NEARI Research: What is the Difference Between Adolescents Who Sexually Abuse and Others Who Commit Non-Sexual Crimes

by Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

 

Question

What differentiates youth who have sexually abused from those who don’t reoffend or reoffend in non-sexual ways?

 

The Research
In September 2011, Julie Carpentier and Jean Proulx published a study designed to identify the risk factors for re-offense among adolescents who had sexually abused. They chose a sample of 351 male adolescents between the ages of 11 and 18, who had sexually offended and had been assessed at an outpatient center in Montreal, Canada. The study examined over 100 variables to correlate with any new criminal charges in three areas:  overall recidivism; violent recidivism (including violent sexual recidivism); and, sexual recidivism. With a mean follow-up period of 8 years, the results confirm that adolescents who have sexually abused committed other criminal offenses, but few sexually abused again. More specifically, the study indicated that: 10% were charged with at least one new sexual offense; 30% were charged with a violent offense (including sexual offenses); and 45% were charged with a new offense (of any kind). The study concluded that the youth reoffended relatively quickly (almost half of those who commit another offense do so within two years, 75% do so within four years). Identified risk factors for each of the three areas included:

  • Sexual Recidivists:  paternal abandonment (plays a particularly important role in sexual criminality beyond adolescents) and association with significantly younger children
  • Violent and Overall Recidivists:  an official criminal record, an unofficial history of delinquency, and a diagnosis of ADD (all of which the authors suggest may be understood as indices of impulsivity or low self-control)
  • All Recidivists:  Sexual victimization was the only risk factor associated with an increase in the risk of sexual, violent, and overall recidivism

Implications for Professionals

While using different methodologies, several studies, including the present Carpentier and Proulx contribution, have yielded the same conclusion. Only a very small number of youth who offend sexually (in this study, 10%) go on to offend sexually again. But a far higher number commit other general criminal offenses. With an increasing understanding of the factors leading to sexual recidivism, professionals need to: 1) focus on intervention approaches, particularly in the years immediately following an offense, that limit contact with younger children; 2) target therapy/treatment approaches that address the ramifications of paternal abandonment (perhaps a proxy for attachment issues); 3) address the impact of sexual victimization and teach self and energy modulation practices (including the use of appropriate medication) for those with comorbid conditions such as ADHD.

 

Implications for the Field

With the increasing research about recidivism in adolescents who sexually abuse, the field should use every available opportunity to change public opinion and the public narrative from “once an offender always an offender” to “once a sexually abusive adolescent rarely an adult sexual offender”. The findings suggest that early intervention is key in the lives of these children and adolescents. The authors also challenge us all to see the harm of labeling all adolescents who sexually abuse as “sex offenders” when so few continue to abuse sexually. Further, this study suggests the need to explore the positive impact of strong male relational opportunities as a protective factor and the powerful impact that prevention approaches can have on future victimization given the victim-victimizer correlates.

 

Abstract

The Carpentier and Proulx study investigates the recidivism rates of a sample of 351 male adolescents who sexually offended, and were assessed at an outpatient psychiatric clinic in Montreal. Over an 8-year follow-up period, 45% (n = 158) of the participants were charged with a new criminal offense, 30% (n = 104) were charged with a violent offense, and 10% (n = 36) were charged with a sexual offense. Cox regression results suggest that overall, violent, and sexual recidivism can be predicted by a variety of developmental, social, and criminological factors. Paternal abandonment, childhood sexual victimization, association with significantly younger children, and having victimized a stranger were associated with a higher risk of sexual recidivism. Previous delinquency, attention deficit disorder, and childhood sexual victimization were found to increase the risk for both violent and overall recidivism. Also, the use of violence during a sex crime and victimizing a stranger were associated with violent recidivism, and school delay and association with delinquent peers were predictive of overall recidivism. The results confirm that a significant proportion of adolescents who have sexually offended pursue a criminal activity beyond adolescence, although few specialize in sexual offending.

 

Citation

  • Carpentier, J and Proulx, J. (2001). Correlates of Recidivism Among Adolescents Who have Sexually Offended.  Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 23, 434-455.

NEARI Research: Why Do (And Don’t) People Intervene When They See Child Abuse?

Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

 

Question

With the sexual abuse scandals emerging at Penn State, Syracuse, and other institutions, why did it take so long for people to act?

The Research
In 1994, Christy and Voigt were among the first researchers to look at how witnesses respond to child abuse. Based upon the wealth of bystander literature, they developed a model for determining whether a witness would intervene based on four broad categories. From 567 college students and faculty, these researchers found that 48% of respondents had witnessed child abuse in a public setting, yet only 26% intervened. Data analyses identified 40 statistically significant factors related to whether a bystander intervened. Among the significant findings in each of the four broad categories:

  • Bystander Characteristics:  The typical intervening witness was someone who:  believed that the way a parent treats a child “is my business” and felt personally responsible to act; was certain about what to do and how to do it; and typically had been victimized as a child or had witnessed abuse.
  • Situational Characteristics:  The typical situation where someone intervened had:  less confusion about what was happening and the intervening witness felt some connection to or communicated with the other witnesses if present.
  • Victim Characteristics: Victims were more likely to get help if they:  had some connection with the witness and if the bystander felt some connection or similarity to the victim.
  • Perpetrator Characteristics:  The data showed bystanders who took action:  typically knew the people who were abusive and were more likely to act if they observed a situation involving more than one perpetrator.

Finally, the research showed that people intervened both directly (e.g., talked with the person who may be abusive) and indirectly (e.g., called authorities about what they saw) and that the characteristics for direct intervention varied across all four categories.

 

Implications for Professionals

It is vital for practitioners crafting a safety plans to give friends and family members the tools they need to step in, intervene and help guide a youth towards a healthier lifestyle. This includes:

  1. Supporting people and organizations in a youth’s social support network to foster an attitude that “it is my business” to talk with the teen or child whenever he/she begins to step away from the safety plan
  2. Teaching the skills needed to intervene
  3. Providing organizations working with that teen with information needed to develop policies about both appropriate boundaries and effective responses when an adolescent begins to test those boundaries.

Finally, clinicians can help send a clear message that the more connected an adolescent feels to those around him/her, the more likely others will help maintain everyone’s safety.

 

Implications for the Field

Through a variety of institutional crises in the last decade from the Catholic Church to the Penn State tragedy, unique opportunities are emerging.  People are asking for more information about both those who perpetrate sexual abuse and those who remain silent. Because of these questions, clinicians now have the opportunity to influence a broader range of professionals concerned with community safety.  Working in a community-based environment can offer enhanced broader range of resources to youth in treatment and open the door for clinicians to share their expertise about assessment, treatment, management, and prevention.

 

Abstract

Bystander responses to public episodes of child abuse were surveyed among 269 self-reported witnesses. Respondents completed an 80-item self-report questionnaire which inquired into a broad range of events, experiences, and behaviors surrounding naturally occurring incidents of perceived child abuse witnessed in public places. Almost one-half of the sample reported having witnessed at least one event of child abuse in public, but only one out of four witnesses acted to intervene. Data analyses identified 40 statistically significant variables across four categories: characteristics of the bystander, situation, victim, and perpetrator. Results were generally consistent with predictions and findings from previous research on bystander intervention, but a number of new and significant variables were identified that characterized intervention events. Direct and indirect forms of intervention were also distinguished. Implications of the findings are discussed, and educating people to intervene on behalf of abused children is proposed.

 

Citation

  • Christy, C. A. and Voigt, H. (1994), Bystander Responses to Public Episodes of Child Abuse. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 24: 824-847.

 

NEARI Research: How to Work with Adolescents in Denial who Sexually Abuse

by Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

 

Question

When an adolescent is in denial about his/her offense, what are the clinical and ethical considerations about whether and how to treat this teen?

 

The Research
Jill S. Levenson reviews research derived both from meta-analysis and single studies and concludes that there is no definitive correlation between denial and recidivism among adult sex offenders. However, some of these studies found that when denial is defined as a continuum of distorted cognitions requiring clinical attention (Langton et al., 2008) decreased denial and increased accountability appear to be associated with greater therapeutic engagement and reduced recidivism for some offenders.

 

Given the lack of research clarity, Levenson lays out an ethical construct for clinical approaches to denial. Within this framework, Levenson recommends developing a process for ethical decision making based on the standards and ethical code of the profession while considering the available empirical research. She recommends the following:

  • Clinicians should consider denial to be an expected defense mechanism and utilize engagement strategies to reduce the shame and anxiety that lead to resistance to treatment;
  • Denial should be viewed as a continuum of minimization and rationalization, and addressed as part of the cognitive distortions that are commonly found in sexual offenders; and
  • Programs should allow a reasonable time period for clients to engage in the therapeutic process, but should not allow denial to persist indefinitely and should not “Graduate” categorical deniers or consider them “Successful Completers.”

Implications for Professionals

According to Levenson, when deciding on how to address denial, practitioners should:

  1. Maintain the autonomy of the client (e.g., ensure that clients are not pressured into admitting and have the opportunity to determine their own values and goals)
  2. Consider the client’s beneficence (e.g., consider the offender’s well-being regardless of denial or admission of a crime)
  3. Ensure nonmaleficence (e.g., treat someone in denial if they agree to treatment so that harm does not come to offenders or possible victims)
  4. Focus on justice (e.g., do not deny treatment to offenders simply because they do not conform to our expectations of the “ideal” client – focus on a client’s need to accept responsibility and make amends)

As clinicians, we can encourage approaches that address the possible reasons for denial (e.g., fear of consequences, shame, guilt, threat to self-esteem, and cognitive dissonance) and allow positive peer influence to have an impact. Over time however, if no responsibility is accepted, the client may be better served by the courts or probation (not the practitioner).

 

Implications for the Field

Because the research shows very little correlation between denial and recidivism, many researchers are advocating for ways to work with clients who are willing to enter into treatment. Although there is no similar research with adolescents, the field needs to coalesce around ethical, supportive and motivational approaches that encourage acceptance of responsibility by adolescents who may deny the crime. Through group, individual and family interventions, initial denial will, in many instances, yield to greater acceptance of responsibility, especially for future actions.

 

Abstract

This article addresses ethical questions and issues related to the treatment of sex offenders in denial, using the empirical research literature and the ethical codes of American Psychological Association (APA) and National Association of Social Workers (NASW) to guide ethical decision-making process. The empirical literature does not provide an unequivocal link between denial and recidivism, though some studies suggest that decreased denial and increased accountability appear to be associated with greater therapeutic engagement and reduced recidivism for some offenders.  Clinicians should view denial as a continuum. It might be considered a responsivity factor that can interfere with treatment progress. Offering a reasonable time period for therapeutic engagement might provide a better alternative than automatically refusing treatment to categorical deniers.

 

Citation

  • Levenson, J. (2010). “But I Didn’t Do It!”: Ethical Treatment of Sex Offenders in Denial. Sexual Abuse:  A Journal of Research and Treatment.

 

NEARI Research: ERASOR

Assessing Risk with the “ERASOR”

 

by Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

 

Question

How accurate is the use of clinical judgment, total ERASOR score, and the number of risk factors present in predicting risk of sexual recidivism in adolescents?

 

The Research
191 male adolescents between the ages of 12 and 19 were assessed by graduate-level practicing clinicians using the ERASOR. All of the youth in the study had been convicted of and/or acknowledged criminal sexual behavior and were receiving treatment in one of five agencies in southern Ontario, Canada. Unlike previous recidivism studies that relied on historical record review for their results, this study used prospective methodology and followed its participants for a period ranging from one month to nearly eight years collecting recidivism data from three sources to increase accuracy.

 

While acknowledging the study’s limitations, the authors indicated the following study outcomes:

  • When using either total ERASOR scores and/or the number of risk factors present, the ERASOR predicted sexual recidivism in both long and short term follow-up;
  • With a shorter period of 1.4 years, clinical judgment based on the ERASOR results was also predictive; and
  • The research indicated that five dynamic risk factors were signficantly related to sexual recidivism including: obsessive sexual interests/preoccupation with sexual thoughts; antisocial interpersonal orientation; lack of intimate peer relationships/social isolation; interpersonal aggression; and problematic parent-child relationships/parental rejection.

Implications for Professionals

In an age of declining resources and profound social consequences to those who sexually abuse, it is more important than ever to focus our most intensive supervision and treatment interventions on those who are at highest risk to reoffend.  Empirically based risk assessment tools (like the ERASOR, the J-SOAP-II, the J-SORRAT-II, and the MIDSA), offer us the opportunity to more accurately assess the adolescents in our care.  However, as we have written previously, it is vital that professionals do not confuse risk assessment with comprehensive assessments that guide assessment and treatment.

 

Unlike much of the earlier research, this study examined the total score of the ERASOR, the number of risk factors present and clinical judgments of risk, an important comparison. The conclusion is that clinicians do better making short-term judgments. Thus, clinicians need to be very careful to limit predictive statements based on clinical judgment to shorter time frames, and reassess youth routinely.

 

This study adds to our growing confidence that, used properly (e.g., not as a stand-alone instrument), the ERASOR and other tools can be used to guide risk assessment. Important to note is that the study points out that none of these scales currently examine the impact of protective factors on recidivism. It is critical that clinicians keep abreast of the current research and apply that information to creating more comprehensive risk assessments, treatment plans, goal setting, and safety plans for each individual adolescent.

 

Implications for the Field
As the field of sexual re-offense risk assessment develops, researchers are beginning to coalesce around a set of dynamic risk factors that appear to have the strongest predictive validity (aggression, substance abuse, antisocial behaviors, social isolation, and lack of parental involvement). But even in this small sample ERASOR study, there are some adolescents in the low to moderate risk category who go on to offend sexually. Teasing out the factors that may lead to that outcome and weighting those factors accordingly may be important. Of even greater importance (and this is noted by the study authors) is the development of strong protective factors. All the study participants were enrolled in “abuse-specific” treatment programs. How do these programs impact on outcomes, with what specific interventions, relationships, and modalities and how do these modalities need to be modified for different adolescents to ensure a better outcome?

 

The field has evolved significantly from its earliest years when, in the absence of solid research, a clinician’s subjective opinion about risk was the only option. Today, our work with adolescents is guided by an increasing amount of risk research. Even with this research, the authors offer an important caution:
…although there is often an expectation that risk assessments should be able to pinpoint the exact probability of a reoffense, the accuracy of current risk assessment tools for both sexual and non-sexual recidivism–for both adults and adolescents–is such that precise probabilistic estmates that are generalizable across various populations are not yet possible…..it might also be prudent, therefore, for professionals in the field to continue to educate consumers of risk assessments about the scientific limitations of these tools.

 

We could not agree more.

 

Abstract

Data from the Estimate of Risk of Adolescent Sexual Offense Recidivism (ERASOR; Worling & Curwen) were collected for a sample of 191 adolescent males who had offended sexually. Adolescents were aged 12 to 19 years (M = 15.34; SD = 1.53) at the time of their participation in a comprehensive assessment. The ERASOR was completed by 1 of 22 clinicians immediately following each assessment. Forty-five adolescents were independently rated by pairs of clinicians, and significant interrater agreement was found for the ERASOR risk factors, the clinical judgment ratings (low, moderate, or high), and a total score. Recidivism data (criminal charges) were subsequently collected from three sources that spanned a follow-up period between 0.1 and 7.9 years (M = 3.66; SD = 2.08). Overall, 9.4% (18 of 191) of the adolescents were charged with a subsequent sexual offense over this time period. A shorter follow-up interval of up to 2.5 years (M = 1.4; SD = 0.71) was also examined. Recidivism data for the shorter follow-up interval were available for a subgroup of 70 adolescents, with a comparable recidivism rate of 8.6% (6 of 70). Clinical judgment ratings, the total score, and the sum of risk factors rated as present were significantly predictive of sexual reoffending for the short follow-up period. The total score and the sum of risk factors were predictive of sexual reoffending over the entire follow-up interval. These results add to the emerging research supporting the reliability and validity of structured risk assessment tools for adolescent sexual recidivism.

 

Citation

  • Worling, J.R. Bookalam, D., & Litteljohn, A. (2011). Prospective Validity of the Estimate of Risk of Adolescent Sexual Offense Recidivism (ERASOR). Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment. Advance Online Publication, 1-21. doi: 10.1177/1079063211407080.

 

NEARI Publication

Characteristics of Youth Who Continue Their Sexual Or Non-Sexual Criminal Behavior

 

by Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

 

Question

Why do some adolescents continue to sexually abuse while others stop? What characteristics differentiate adolescents who continue to sexually abuse from those who don’t (or those who continue into non-sexual criminal behaviors)?

 

The Research
In 2011, Carpentier, Leclerc and Proulx examined factors related to the age of onset, variety of criminal activity, and desistance from sexually abusive behavior in 351 adolescent males:

  • For age of onset, the study examined children whose first sexually abusive behavior was committed prior to age 12 (considered early starters) and those who engaged in sexually abusive behavior after the age of 12 (late starters).
  • For variety of criminal activity they differentiated two groups, “sex-only aggressors” (no other known criminal behavior) and “sex-plus aggressors” (those known to have engaged in other non-sexual criminal behavior).
  • To better understand desistance from criminal behavior, the researchers used reviews of criminal charges to create three categories: stable highs (participants charged with other offenses at least one of which was a sexual offense and/or a violent offense), de-escalators (those charged with offenses that were neither sexual nor violent), and “desisters” (those not charged with any new offense).

The study results suggest that the co-occurrence of BOTH aggressive and sexual deviant behaviors in childhood is associated with continuation of sexually abusive behavior.

 

The study noted that those adolescents who stopped any criminal behaviors (sexual or otherwise) had fewer cognitive, familial, social, and academic deficits in childhood than those who did continue in some criminal activity. In addition, very few non-offending teens continued with substance abuse or socialization with other delinquent peers. The authors suggest that attachment to family and school are essential protective factors against continued delinquency. The study also noted that adolescents who continued to engage in criminal sexual or violent behaviors (“stable high” groupings) could be differentiated from the teens who continued criminal activity but were neither sexual nor violent (“de-escalators”) by differences related to childhood development. The de-escalators had lower rates of ADD, aggressive behavior, sexual and physical victimization, and long-term paternal absence. The authors concluded that sexual victimization and the long-term absence of a paternal figure at a young age increased the risk of become a “stable high” offender.

 

Implications for Professionals
This research echoes other studies that point to the need for early intervention in the lives of children who have been sexually traumatized AND exhibit early anti-social behaviors. The study leads us to ask: What kinds of treatment interventions might mitigate the effects of early childhood trauma and the lack of an involved, engaged, stable family or social support networks. This study further illustrates the need for differentiated treatment approaches based on the age of onset, the variety of criminal behavior in which the client engages and persistence of sexual or other criminal behavior has persisted over time.

 

This study further encourages us to craft interventions that focus on trauma, attachment and socialization as critical risk factors, especially for those children younger than 12 who have general anti-social tendencies. Early trauma can affect a child’s capacity for attachment as well as their academic life, both of which might push a child toward delinquent peers. Finally, in addition to the low base-rates of sexual recidivism for adolescents, this study points out that those youth who only engage in sexually abusive behaviors may have be at lower risk and more amenable to intervention than those youth who began engaged in general as well as sexually criminal behaviors, or who had school problems and went on to associate with delinquent peers. Professionals should pay special attention to variables related to attachment and socialization among adolescents who sexually abuse, since these factors appear critical to understanding and helping these adolescents stop.

 

Implications for the Field
This research reinforces other studies that support clear differentiations of risk and criminal trajectories amongst adolescents who sexually abuse. This study reinforces our need to examine not only recidivism data, but also the literature in related to other criminal activity (non-sexual) and the study of desistance as well as persistence. Carpentier and her colleagues help to remind us that there is a unique opportunity in public policy to focus limited resources on those whom the research suggests will persist in their sexualized behaviors AND to incorporate successful protective and management interventions that have demonstrated efficacy with the general delinquent population.

 

Abstract

The aim of the study was to identify the factors associated with age of onset of sexual aggression and variety and desistance of criminal activity among adolescent sexual aggressors. The sample consisted of 351 adolescents who were assessed in an outpatient psychiatric clinic between 1992 and 2002. Recidivism data were collected after a mean follow-up period of 8 years. Indices of early antisocial behaviors (aggressive behavior, anti-social traits) were associated with early activation of a pattern of sexual offending as well as a polymorphic criminal career in adolescence. Findings support previous research indicating that most adolescent sexual offenders who persist in criminal career commit a variety of offenses and do not specialize in sexual crimes.

 

Citation

  • Carpentier, J., Leclerc, B., and Proulx, J. (2011). Juvenile sexual offenders: Correlates of onset, variety, and desistance of criminal behavior. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 38, 854-873.

 

NEARI Research: The Effects of Victimization on Subsequent Sexual Abuse: Age Matters

The Effects of Victimization on
Subsequent Sexual Abuse: Age Matters

 

by Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

 

Question

Does the age at which a child is sexually abused influence later abusive behavior?

 

The Research
Adam Grabell and Raymond Knight explored the impact of sexual abuse on youth of several age ranges through a retrospective study of 193 sexually abusive adolescents. Adolescents were selected for the study if their offense(s) were “serious” (e.g., involved “an assault that was sexually motivated and involved physical contact with a victim”).  Given that sexual compulsivity, sexual preoccupation, and hypersexuality are predictors of future offending behavior in adults, the researchers sought to explore these risk factors in an adolescent population. Grabell and Knight hypothesized that the impact of abuse on these risk factors might have the strongest impact at the time during which a child is learning to control impulses and construct cognitions. On the basis of other neuroscience-based research, Grabell and Knight hypothesized that adolescents who were sexually abused when they were three to seven years old were at greatest risk to become abusive. This is the age range where most children learn to control impulses, begin to regulate their emotions, and develop the frontal lobe capacity to mediate between impulse and action.

While expressing extreme caution about their results, the study found that the age group of three to seven was the only age range where sexual victimization demonstrated statistically significant correlations with later abusive behavior.  Indeed, they found that victimization at these ages was associated with poor critical thinking skills later. While identifying the limitations of their methodology (the study’s retrospective approach and the absence of neurodevelopmental testing at the  ages of three to seven), the authors confirmed their hypothesis that developmental age may be an important differentiating risk factor in the development of abusive behaviors in adolescents. They make clear that much additional research will be required to draw any strong causal connections, particularly given the mediating impact of protective factors subsequent to the abuse.

 

Implications for Professionals
However strong our desire to find causal factors to sexually abusing behavior in adolescents, this study raises as many questions as it answers. These findings illustrate the severe adverse impact of sexual abuse, particularly during the ages of three to seven. Given these results, practitioners would be well served to pay careful attention to the capacity for cognitive flexibility in adolescent abusers who were sexually abused, especially within this three to seven year old age range. The potential neurodevelopmental harm caused by sexual abuse at this age points to the importance of developing critical thinking skills.

 

Implications for the Field
This study offers an expanded understanding of how early sexual victimization and the development of  thinking skills, compulsivity, sexual preoccupation, and hypersexuality all contribute to future offending. Increasingly, research is showing that the latter three related factors are being recognized as causal risk factors and central to understanding and treating sexual aggression. However, these factors are not issues for all adolescents who abuse, and so careful risk assessment of each individual is necessary for the development of an effective intervention and treatment plan. While this study sheds light on a significant developmental harm and possible risk factor, further research is essential to understanding how sexually abusive behaviors develop and how the variety of interventions can be used to prevent further abuse.

 

Abstract

Findings in the sexual aggression literature on the link between childhood sexual abuse and future sexual coercion have been inconsistent. In adult sexual offenders, studies have found that the relation of sexual abuse to sexual coercion is mediated by sexually related deviant cognitions, but this mediation is not found when replicated on juvenile sexual offenders. In this study it is hypothesized that this link will be found in juvenile sexual offenders when their sexual abuse history is stratified into discrete developmental epochs. It is further hypothesized that the age range of 3 to 7 years, when children rapidly acquire inhibition and cognitive flexibility skills, will be the most potent predictor. A sample of 193 juvenile sexual offenders is used to examine whether sexual abuse specifically in this discrete period, as opposed to other periods, predicts subsequent sexual fantasy. The results confirm that sexual abuse correlates with later adolescent sexual fantasy only during the 3- to 7-year epoch.

 

Citation

  • Grabell, A. and Knight, R. (2009). Examining Childhood Abuse Patterns and Sensitive Periods in Juvenile Sexual Offenders. Sexual Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment, 21, 208-222.

 

Sexual Risk Assessment Validity

Validity of Assessing Risk

 

by Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

Question

Is it possible or even advisable to predict re-offense in a youthful offender population?

 

The Research
In 2010, Gordana Rajlic and Heather M. Gretton published research examining the validity of risk assessment in two assessment tools commonly used within the adolescent field:

  • JSOAP-II
  • ERASOR

Unlike previous studies, the authors applied these risk tools to two sub-types of youth, those who only offend sexually and those with other antisocial but non-sexual offending. They examined the predictive validity of the two measures when applied to these different groups. The authors acknowledge methodological limitations, such as criminal records as the sole indicator of re-offense, retrospective analysis of antisocial tendencies based on records and not clinical assessments, and the low base-rates of sexual recidivism in the sex-offense only cohort. Their findings support the idea that risk assessment is more accurate and helpful if it accounts for the both the nature of the offense and the presence of other antisocial traits.

 

Implications for Professionals
This research highlights the strengths and weaknesses of the assessment tools currently in use. The current tools have been proven to be useful for making structured professional judgments about adolescents and their treatment/supervision needs. However, when used alone, they do not adequately consider the developmental, contextual, or diagnostic realities of adolescent. For example, there is nothing inherent in the scoring to differentiate traumatized adolescents from those an autism spectrum disorder. The risk to re-offend likely differs for diagnostically different youth even though the behaviors may be the same. For example, the lack of empathy in a youth with a Pervasive Developmental Disorder does not have the same meaning or significance as the same characteristic in a youth who is Conduct Disordered. The instruments are silent on guiding treatment for these often very different populations and thus cannot be adequately used as stand-alone instruments.

Further, the variation in predictive validity of these tools across a variety of studies indicate that they also have significant limitations when used as predictors of re-offense. A high score on these measures does not necessarily indicate high likelihood of sexual re-offense, just as a low score does not indicate a safe adolescent with no need for intervention. The future of adolescents is too important to rely on a cutoff score on a single instrument, particularly when one considers the high stakes involved in future illegal actions.

At this time, we believe professionals should use risk assessment tools to develop better plans for managing risk and guiding treatment and not use them as vehicles for predicting re-offense. After all, the primary concern for the treatment profession is to understand the nature of risk and identify the steps required to mitigate it. Classifying people according to risk is less helpful than collaborating to ameliorate whatever risks exist and ensure a safe and healthy adolescent when he or she lives in a community.

 

Implications for the Field
The desire to create or use validated, actuarial type instruments for adolescents is understandable.  Courts sometimes insist on their use and often base their sentencing on the results.  Placement agencies often base their use of residential or secure treatment beds on these same results and several research-based instruments continue to be refined in an effort to ever-more accurately predict re-offense. It is one thing to use these instruments to develop plans; it is quite another to use the numbers they produce to determine a teen’s future life. The complexity of an adolescent’s life and development and the opportunities for change is why the authors believe that providing cut-off scores cannot be applied for general use at this time. In addition, when provided with a numbered score, all professionals must take great care not to make assumptions about risk even if the evaluating clinician takes great care in establishing the limitations/meaning of that objective number. Remaining focused on youth’s ability to change is the highest priority.

The search for prediction has not always recognized the fluidity of adolescence. Given how much all adolescents change in just a few years, and the complexity of their development, it may never be possible to classify them according to risk in any meaningful way. Given the dynamism of this population and the positive impact of targeted interventions, our field can be more effective when we include these measures as key components of comprehensive assessments of treatment and supervision needs, and not be used as stand-alone tools that determine a young person’s future.

Citation

  • Gordana Rajlic and Heather M. Gretton. (2010). An Examination of Two Sexual Recidivism Risk Measures in Adolescent Offenders:  The Moderating Effect of Offender Type.  Criminal Justice and Behavior.  37: 1066.

 

Gender Specific Treatment for Female Sex Offenders

Gender Specific Treatment

While the clinical services we provide are considered gender neutral, we find it necessary to address some specifics with regards to treatment provided to our female clients in residential, proctor and outpatient care. The therapeutic alliance necessary for a client to confront their responsibility for sexually abusive behaviors is often more fragile with females due to an adolescent female trait—all or nothing thinking—in that there is a relationship or none at all; without one, no meaningful work will be done (Robinson, 2006).  YHA clinical professionals appreciate that female development is relational, that is, it is through relationships and meaningful connections that girls derive their identities. Likewise, female moral development is often based on the ethics of care and relational bonds. Further, we believe that girls are more likely to internalize their feelings than boys, and as a result they exhibit different behavioral problems (Robinson, 2006). For example, in our experience our clinical professionals and treatment staff control for behaviors such as eating disorders, substance abuse, and suicide attempts with our female clients far more than with our male clients. Our female clients also experience depression and anxiety disturbances more frequently than our male clients during the stage of adolescence. Part of this is due to the fact that our female clients have themselves been victims of sexually abusive youth at a much higher rate than our male clients (Robinson, 2006). All of this is taken into consideration when applying the sex-offense-specific interventions outlined in each of our levels of care.

YHA Girl's Necklaces

Of particular importance, is the emphasis our clinical professionals place on our females overcoming their own victimization. Victimization appears to be a key pathway to girls’ criminal behavior (Robinson, 2006). Many of our female clients suffer from Posttraumatic Stress Disorder which leads to high distress levels and low self-restraint, which in turn, increases the risk of behavioral problems and offending behavior. YHA clinical professionals and treatment staff also pay close attention to the differences in maturation of females compared to our male clients. Due to such maturation problems as negative body image and peer ostracism, it is often easier for our female clients to find relationships outside of a conventional peer group. At times these affiliations are with older males or delinquent peer aged males, who often take advantage of these girls and expose them to sexual intimacy (prior to being developmentally ready) and criminal behaviors (Robinson, 2006). For these reasons, our Trauma-Focused Cognitive-Behavioral Model has been very effective in not only helping these girls overcome issues related to their sexual-offending behaviors, but find resolution for their own issues of victimization.

Other differences that are addressed in treatment of females with sexual behavior problems referred to YHA are victim selection, cognitive distortions and motivations for offending. Our female offenders tend to abuse family members or a child for whom they are in a caretaking position, and therefore, they appear less likely than our male clients to abuse strangers. Girls appear more likely to resort to caretaking and altruistic justifications for their offending behavior. Our females also appear to be more likely to offend for other reasons than sexual arousal and stimulation. Few of our female clients were seeking sexual satisfaction, orgasm, or sexual pleasure. Rather, many of our female clients’ sex-offending behavior is more about anger than sexual curiosity or stimulation. Our female clients’ offending behavior often reflects relational aggression. Sexual abuse is a form of aggression that also is, by definition, relational; relational aggression better encompasses the motivation which often underlies the sexual abuse perpetrated by our female clients (Robinson, 2006).

YHA’s treatment of sexually abusive girls is based on a model of promoting healthy female identity formation, relational development, sexual efficacy, and for those with abuse histories, healing reparation. Our model of treatment when working with females who have sexually abused is also based on the needs and issues of girls, specifically their learning styles. Treatment is relational; that is, the healing of our clients most often comes from the relationship she has with her therapist. It is within the context of the relationship that emotional reparations are often made. Finally, we discourage our clinical professionals to use confrontational approaches because they have less merit when working with girls. This is because it has the potential to damage the key ingredient to our female offenders making progress, the therapeutic alliance.

Risk Factor Intervention with Juvenile Sex Offenders

Using Causal Risk Factors to Focus Our
Prevention and Intervention Work

 

by Steven Bengis, David S. Prescott, and Joan Tabachnick

Question

Can we identify the difference between causal risk factors for sexual assault and those risk factors that are correlative?

The Research
Over the past years, Raymond Knight, Ph.D. and Dr. Judith E. Sims-Knight, Ph.D. have integrated an impressive combination of research studies on sexual and general aggression. In keynote presentations, the Knights have used their published articles and unpublished materials to develop a well-informed hypothesis about which risk factors are causal (those that contribute directly to sexual assault) and which are correlative (associated with, but not necessarily causing sexual assault). Their model identified three primary causal risk factors:

  • Hypersexuality
  • Callous/unemotional personality features
  • Antisocial behavior

Their research then identified a number of key risk factors that correlate with sexual assault but are not causal. These risk factors include:

  • Alcohol use
  • Distorted perceptions
  • Rape attitudes
  • Pornography use

Knight and Knight’s research focuses on adult rapists and they clearly point out that these risk factors are not completely aligned with the risk factors for child molesters, specifically around rape attitudes and distorted perceptions.

Further, they suggest that interventions that focus on these causal risk factors offer the best chance for success. Last, the Knights have put forth a compelling hypothesis about the interaction between genetics and the environment. They note that some genes are only expressed when the individual is living in a particularly stressful environment. The importance of this finding is that by building on resilience and enhancing other protective factors, the stress does not have the same impact and does not trigger the same behaviors.

Implications for Professionals
This research offers professionals a way to sharpen their focus and build targeted prevention and intervention programs that differentiate between the causal and correlative risk factors for abusive behaviors. With only limited resources available, the clinician or preventionist can target these causal factors first to ensure the most successful outcomes. When engaged in treatment rather than prevention, correlative factors become critical as well. The research shows that certain rape attitudes, use of alcohol, and access to pornography will not in and of themselves lead to sexual assault. However, with the causal factors in place, use of alcohol, pornography or manifesting certain beliefs about women/children represent a dangerous “cocktail” ready to ignite. Therefore, once abuse has been perpetrated, it is essential that these correlative risk factors become a central part of treatment with specific clients at higher risk to re-offend.

Knight’s path analysis approach clearly outlines the interactions between each risk factor within a person’s life and offers insights into how they interact with others.

For sexually abusive adults and adolescents with hypersexuality, callous/unemotional features, and antisocial behavior, our interventions can focus on close supervision and contact (e.g., circles of support and accountability) and building respectful people with healthy relationships. It can be helpful to develop interpersonal competence, including the ability to relate to others empathically and emotionally. With adults, interventions may also include addressing abuse-related sexual arousal  As has often been stated in this newsletter, while outcome goals remain the same, the methodology for achieving these outcomes differs based largely on diagnostic differentiation, cognitive levels, etc. What the Knights’ research provides us is a causal pathway to assault that helps us focus the right tools on the right people.

Implications for the Field
Given the dramatic reduction in funding for intervention and prevention programs, it is imperative that our interventions focus on the right issues. The Knights have offered a compelling and exhaustively researched prevention and intervention paradigm focusing on causal and correlative factors. Prevention programs that highlight only correlative factors, (e.g., alcohol abuse and pornography use) are often focusing on issues that will not, in and of themselves, lead to sexual abuse. Prevention programs, whether in schools, colleges or other settings, would have better results by focusing on causal factors and differentiating those pathways  that lead to rape and those leading to child molestation.

Treatment programs need to integrate causative and correlative factors, as well as focus on environmental stressors (particularly for those individuals who may be predisposed to a reduced capacity for coping with these stressors).  By following this approach, we have the greatest chance of targeting limited resources at those most at risk.

Citation

  • Preventing Rape:  What the Research Tells Us. Dr. Raymond Knight, Keynote Address at the 13th Annual MASOC/MATSA Conference. Marlborough, MA.  April 2011.

 

Juvenile Sex Offdender Childhood and Adolescent Development

Basic Childhood and Adolescent Development

By

Mindy Nance, LCSW

There are many different theories on human development; nevertheless, theorists agree that development during childhood is the most significant; particularly the first two years of life. Thus, if the first years of life are interrupted or disturbed then serious damage could be done affecting adolescence and adulthood. This is the case for many of the youth we work with. Many were raised in very neglectful and abusive environments, explaining their distorted sense of life styles and leisure activities (criminal behaviors, sexual offenses, drug abuse, etc.). It is important to not only be aware of this concept, but to also be sensitive to a client’s personal behaviors and reactions concerning the abuse or neglect and how it effects their development as an adolescent.

A particular theory on child development that parallels with our sex offender therapy is:

PIAGET’S STAGES OF CHILD DEVELOPMENT

Stage 1: Sensory-motor (birth-two years old)

This stage focuses on behaviors, which babies naturally perform and that are unlearned. This includes behaviors such as sucking, crying, grasping, wetting, etc. This stage includes other basic activities babies perform when first learning how to participate in life. Normal behavior includes such things as touching a ball, pushing a spoon repeatedly off the high chair tray to be picked up, goal directed behaviors such as taking a lid off a toy box and retrieving a toy inside, dropping a toy just to observe the effect; and last, learning that an object does not cease to exist when it is out of sight.

Stage 2: Pre-operational (2-7 years old)

This stage involves the development of imagination, description of objects, and identifying colors and other adjectives. Furthermore, stage 2 is a very self-involved stage known as egocentric (the child focuses mostly just on himself and not on others). The child is not yet able to think logically. They see things around them from only their point of view.  Normal behavior includes language development, questioning, investigating new things, and creating their own explanation for confusing experiences. Play begins to constitute a major part of the preschooler’s life and is a valuable aspect of the child’s cognitive, social and emotional growth. Some of our lower functioning youth are in this stage even though they are much older than seven.  Many of the clients will never grow out of this stage, often needing to be institutionalized their whole lives.

Stage 3: Concrete Operations (7-11 years old)

At this point, the child is able to reason about concrete aspects of the environment. He will be able to understand concepts such as the following idea: Water poured from one vial to a vial of a different shape does not change the quantity (Conservation). It is at this stage of concrete operations that they can add, subtract and multiply. The child too can mentally begin to reverse the directions of thoughts, such as trace his route to school. Normal behavior includes socialized language and generally viewing the world in a more logical way. Play becomes a significant role in the child’s world. It creates an atmosphere of harmony, they learn how to delay gratification, empathy, and further expand the child’s imagination and creativity. This may be the highest level of cognitive development some of our youth will ever attain.

Stage 4: Formal Operations (11-16 years old and on to adulthood)

In this stage, the individual is able to reason about things in the abstract, the future and the hypothetical. They develop the ability to reason among several concepts at once. Their thought is more reasonable, flexible and systematic. It is this stage that a child develops all the mental tools for living a functional life.  Normal behavior includes the codification of rules, code of morality, progress through cooperation and mutual respect. Many people even outside of our clients do not make it to this stage at all.

It is imperative we as YHA staff communicates with the youth at their individual stage of development; best focusing on concrete concepts rather than abstract ideas. For example, it is important to discuss things with the youth and help them make goals which are short term and attainable. Further, it is important to refer to things visible and specific. Other ways to interact with the clients are through tangible objects and other concepts that are familiar to the youth. Discussing theories or philosophies, with hopes of helping them, is not only recommended unless it is evident the youth is higher functioning, but further not effective.

The most important concept to remember about Piaget’s theory is these stages are useless to apply to our youth if they do not feel safe and secure in YHA custody.

A good framework to explain this is Maslow Hierarchy of Needs.

Abraham Maslow viewed humans as having tremendous potential for personal development. He believed it was human nature for people to strive to be the best they could. He viewed human nature as basically being good, and striving of self-actualization as a positive process leading people to identify their abilities, striving to develop them, to feel good as they become themselves, and to be beneficial to society. Nevertheless, he believed most people would never attain Self Actualization.  The above graph is identified as a hierarchy of needs, which motivates human behavior. When people fulfill their most elemental needs, they strive to meet those on the next level, and so forth, until they reach their highest point. In the above graph, these needs are the following:

  1. Physiological Needs: food, water, oxygen, sleep, and so on.
  2. Safety Needs: safety, security, stability, and freedom from fear, anxiety threats, and chaos.
  3. Belongingness and Love Needs: intimacy and affection provided by friends, family, and lovers.
  4. Self-Esteem Needs: self-respect, respect of others, achievement, attention, and appreciation.
  5. Cognitive Needs: knowledge, understanding, goodness, justice,  beauty, and order
  6. Self-Actualization: the sense that one is fulfilling one’s potential and is doing what one is individually suited for and capable of doing. A fully developed actualized person displays high levels of all of the following characteristics: acceptance of self, of others, and of nature, seeks justice, truth, order, unity, and beauty, has problem-solving abilities, is self-directed; has freshness of appreciation, has a richness of emotional responses, has satisfying and changing relationships with other people, is creative, and has a right sense of moral values.

As YHA staff, it is necessary and beneficial to remember Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs. If at any time, our youths physical needs are not being met, or if our youth does not feel safe, then they will not be able to apply to their lives the therapy we teach them. Thus, mental health staff (all of you reading this) has the most important role at YHA, which is the following: providing a safe, secure, harmless, and reliable home setting for our youth. Please remember the things you say and do to the youth are far more influential to their lives than you think. You could make or break their success in the home. Therefore, never underestimate your role as a staff member at YHA. You, as staff are the most important asset to YHA. It is you, the staff who set the daily mood and tone of the YHA home! However, be aware this does not mean staff cannot be consistent or firm with the youth concerning rules, norms, and regulations of the home. But, it must be done with respect and in a way the youth maintains feeling safe and secure. Ironically, establishing a respectful, strict and firm environment will in turn, create a safe and secure environment in itself.

Biological Development in Adolescence

Adolescence

Adolescence is the time of life between childhood and adulthood.  The word is derived from the Latin verb adolescere, which means, “to grow into maturity.”  Adolescence should be differentiated from puberty, which is more specific.    Adolescence might be considered a cultural concept that refers to a general time during life. Puberty, on the other hand, is a physical concept that refers to the specific time during which people mature sexually and become capable of reproduction.

Puberty

Puberty is the period when a person becomes physically mature and able to reproduce.  It is marked by the sudden enlargement of the reproductive organs and sexual genitalia and the development of secondary sex characteristics (Tanner, 1967).

Girls begin the changes of puberty somewhere between eight and thirteen years of age.  Boys generally start about two years later than girls.  Girls reach their full adult height by about seventeen years of age, and boys by about twenty-one years of age (Roche and Davila, 1970).

The two-year age difference in beginning puberty causes more than its share of problems for adolescents.  Girls tend to become interested in boys before boys begin noticing that girls are alive.  One dating option for girls involves older boys of the middle or late teens.  This can serve to substantially raise parental anxiety.  An option for boys is to date girls who tower over them.

There is a wide age span for both boys and girls when puberty begins.  Although in general there is a two year difference between the sexes, there are also substantial individual differences that must be taken into account.  In other words, one boy may begin puberty four years earlier than another.

Acting as a catalyst for all of these changes is in increase in the production of hormones.  Hormones are chemical substances secreted by the endocrine glands.  Among other things, they stimulate growth of sexual organs and characteristics.  Each hormone targets a specific area or areas and stimulates growth.  For example, testosterone directly affects growth of the penis, facial skin, areas in the brain and even cartilage in the shoulder joints (Tanner, 1971).  In women the uterus and vagina respond to the female hormones of estrogen and progesterone (Garrison, 1973).

There is some evidence that hormonal production during adolescence is associated with increased aggression in boys and both increased aggression and depression in girls (Brooks-Gunn, 1988).

The Growth Spurt

The initial entrance into puberty is typically characterized by a sharp increase in height.  During this spurt, boys and girls typically grow between 2 and 5 inches (Tanner, 1970).  Prior to the growth spurt, boys tend to be 2 percent taller than girls.  However, since girls start the spurt earlier, they tend to be taller, to weigh more, and to be stronger than boys during ages eleven to thirteen years.  By the time both sexes have completed the spurt, boys once again are larger than girls by about 8 percent (Papalia and Olds, 1992).

Adolescents tend to have unequal and disproportionate growth.  Most adolescents have some features that look obviously disproportionate.  The head, hands and feet reach adult size and form first, followed by the legs and arms.  Finally, the body’s trunk reaches its full size.  A typical result of this unequal growth is motor awkwardness and clumsiness.  Until the growth of bones and muscles stabilizes, and the brain adjusts to an essentially new body, awkward bursts of motion and misjudgments of muscular control will result.

Erickson’s Psychosocial Theory of Development

Each stage of human development presents its characteristic crisis.  Coping well with each crisis makes an individual better prepared to cope with the next.  Although specific crisis are most critical during particular stages, related issues continue to arise throughout a person’s life.  For example, the conflict to trust versus mistrust is especially important in infancy.  Yet, children and adults continue to struggle with whether or not to trust others.

Resolution of each crisis is an ideal, not necessarily a reality.  The degree to which crisis in earlier stages are resolved will affect a person’s ability to resolve crisis in later stages.  If an individual doesn’t learn how to trust in stage 1, that person will find it very difficult to attain intimacy in stage 6.

During each psychosocial stage, the individual must seek to adjust to the stresses and conflicts involved in these crisis.  The search for identity is a crisis that confronts people during adolescence.

Although Erickson’s psychosocial theory addresses development throughout the life span, it is included here because of the importance of identity formation during adolescence.  The stages are described in “Erickson’s Eight Stages of Development.”

Erickson’s Eight Stages of Development

Stage                     Crisis                                      Age                                        Important Event

1.  Basic trust versus basic mistrust           Birth to 18 months           Feeding

2.  Autonomy versus shame and doubt  18 months – 3 yrs.           Toileting

3.  Initiative versus guilt                                 3 to 6 years                         Locomotion

4.  Identity versus inferiority                       6 to 12 years                       School

5.  Identity versus role confusion              Adolescence                      Peer relationship

6.  Intimacy versus isolation                         Young adult                        Love relationship

7.  Generate versus stagnation                  Maturity                              Parenting and creating

8.  Ego integrity versus despair                   Old age                                 Reflecting on and accepting life

 

Stage 1:  Basic Trust versus Basic Mistrust

For infants up to eighteen months of age, learning to trust others is the overriding crisis.  To develop trust one must understand that some people and some things can be depended on.  Parents provide a major variable for such learning.  For instance, infants who consistently receive warm, loving care and nourishment learn to trust that these things will be provided to them.  Later in life, people may apply this concept of trust to friends, an intimate partner, or their government.

Stage 2: Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt

Children strive to accomplish things independently.  They learn to feed themselves and to use the toilet.  Accomplishing various tasks and activities provide children with feelings of self-worth and self-confidence.  On the other hand, if children of this age are constantly downtrodden, restricted, or punished, shame and guilt will emerge instead.  Self-doubt will replace the self-confidence that should have developed during this period.

Stage 3: Initiative versus Guilt

Such children are extremely active physically.  The world fascinates them and beckons them to explore it.  They have active imaginations and are eager to learn.  Preschoolers who are encouraged to take initiative to explore and learn are more likely to assimilate this concept for use later in life.  They will be more likely to feel confident in initiating relationships, pursuing career objectives, and developing recreational interests.  Preschoolers, who are consistently restricted, punished, or treated harshly, are more likely to experience the emotion of guilt.  They want to explore and experience, but they are not allowed to.  Instead of learning initiative, they are likely to feel guilty about their tremendous desires to do so many things.  In reaction, they may become “passive spectators” who follow the lead of others instead of initiating their own activities and ideas.

Stage 4: Industry versus Inferiority

Children in this age group need to be productive and succeed in their activities.  In addition to play, a major focus of their lives is school.  Therefore, mastering academic skills and material is important.  Those who do learn to be industrious by expending energy master activities.  Comparison with peers becomes exceptionally important.  Children, who experience failure in school, or even in peer relations, may develop a sense of inferiority.

Stage 5: Identity versus Role Confusion

Adolescence is a time when young people explore who they are and establish their identity.   It is the transition period from childhood to adulthood when people examine the various roles they play (for example, child, sibling, student, catholic, native American, basketball star, or whatever), and integrate these roles into a perception of self, an identity.  Some people are unable to integrate their many roles and have difficulty coping with conflicting roles; they are said to suffer from role confusion.  Such persons are confused; their identity is uncertain and unclear.

Stage 6: Intimacy versus Isolation

Young adulthood is characterized by a quest for intimacy and involves more than the establishment of a sexual relationship.  Intimacy includes the ability to share with and give to another person without being afraid of sacrificing one’s own identity.

Implications of Identity Formation in Adolescence

Achieving genital maturity and rapid body growth signals young people that they will soon be adults. They, therefore, begin to question their future roles as adults.  The most important task of adolescence is to develop a sense of identity, a sense of “Who I Am.”  Making a career choice is an important part of this search for identity.

The primary danger of this period, according to Erickson, is identity confusion.  This confusion can be expressed in a variety of ways.  One way is to delay acting like a responsible adult.  Another way is to commit oneself to poorly thought-out courses of action.   Still another way is to regress into childishness to avoid assuming the responsibilities of adulthood.  Erickson views the cliquishness of adolescence and its intolerance of differences as defenses against identity confusion.  Falling in love is viewed as an attempt to define identity.  Through self-disclosing intimate thoughts and feelings with another, the adolescent is articulating and seeking to better understand his/her identity.  Through seeing the reactions of a loved one to one’s intimate thoughts and feelings, the adolescent is testing out values and beliefs and is better able to clarify a sense of self.

The crisis of identity versus role confusion is best resolved through integrating earlier identifications, present values, and future goals into a consistent self-concept.  A sense of identity is achieved only after a period of questioning, reevaluation, and experimentation.  Efforts to resolve questions of identity may take the young person down paths of emotional involvement, overzealous commitment, alienation, rebellion, or playful wandering.

Many adolescents are idealistic.  They see the evils and negatives in our society and in the world.  They cannot understand why injustice and imperfection exists.  They yearn for a much better life for themselves and for others and have little understanding of the resources and hard work it takes for advancements.  They often try to change the world and their efforts are genuine.  If society can channel their energies constructively, their contributions can be meaningful.  Unfortunately, some become disenchanted and apathetic after being continually frustrated with obstacles.

Importance of Achieving Identity

Adolescents and young adults struggle with developing a sense of who they are, what they want out of life, and what kind of people they want to be.  Arriving at answers to such questions is among the most important tasks people face in life (Glasser, 1972).  Without answers, a person will not be prepared to make such major decisions as to which career to select; deciding whether, when, or whom to marry; deciding where to live; and deciding what to do with leisure time.  Unfortunately, many people muddle through life and never arrive at well-thought-out answers to these questions.  Those who do not arrive at answers are apt to be depressed, anxious, indecisive, and unfulfilled.

 

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